Tag Archives: embassy security

We Buy Politicians; Why Not Buy an Army?

It seems money rules not only politics but increasingly warfare.

In dysfunctional societies like Somalia, mercenaries act in place of a national army. Even in some countries with recognized governments, both the civilian police force and the military are corrupt or ineffective. Wealthy citizens hire their own security.

Faced with an increasing number of terrorist threats to U.S. diplomatic posts in countries with minimal security, the State Department began contracting with private security firms. The firms handle security for the more dangerous missions. Members of one firm, Blackwater, hired to protect U.S. diplomats in Iraq, were convicted of murdering unarmed civilians after a firefight in Baghdad in 2007.

The contracts with security firms often are lucrative, giving the companies great incentive to manipulate conditions, if necessary to keep a contract. In the case of the Blackwater incident, investigators earlier found serious misconduct by the company, but the findings were ignored because of the security firm’s power over security arrangements.

On a broader issue, going to war becomes easier for a country like the United States if it can contract forces to fight. The government need not mobilize support from its citizens.

It’s doubtful if hired guns will make the world a safer place. Read “Hired Guns” by Allison Stanger, Foreign Affairs, July/August 2015.

 

Brouhaha Over Benghazi

 

The investigation over security in Benghazi, Libya, where the U.S. ambassador and three others were tragically killed, continues within election year furor. As James Risen has written in The New York Times, however, the security of U.S. embassies and diplomats today is complex.

During the Arabian/Persian Gulf war in 1991, I began my first tour with the State Department at the U.S. consulate in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia. Once the war was over, my colleagues and I enjoyed weekend trips to ancient ruins, group runs in the desert outside Jeddah, and evenings out in the city’s restaurants. In 2004, long after my assignment ended, al-Qaeda forces attacked the consulate and killed four employees and four of the consulate’s guard force.

When I served in Algiers in 1993, I probably acted foolishly in walking to a church on the weekend down narrow streets of the city. Hints of the extremist insurgency against the Algerian government surfaced, but we hadn’t yet been forbidden to walk around, and I wanted exercise. Besides, as a diplomat, I was supposed to know the people and country where I served. A few months later, as the insurgency increased, all but essential staff were evacuated back to the U.S.

In Tunisia in the late 1990’s, the U.S. embassy where I was posted occupied an old building near the center of town. The location was ideal for a quick lunch in one of the local restaurants. I often walked to work or rode the bus. Sometimes on weekends I parked my car at the embassy, then finished the journey by foot to a church in the old souk. I passed both a Jewish synagogue and a Muslim mosque on the way. (Jews have been in Tunisia since ancient times.)

Today, the U.S. embassy has been moved to a suburban location. Mobs recently attacked and damaged it, but did not gain entry. They destroyed the American school next door.

In short, security for overseas U.S. missions is more demanding and expensive today. Congress has not always been forthcoming with money for security programs.  Diplomats also chafe, as Risen pointed out in his article, at being stuck in buildings when they want to meet ordinary people outside.

Such complex sea changes had best be dealt with away from election hyperbole. All of us knew, even in the years I served, that security and diplomacy may contradict each other. We never supposed that all danger could be avoided.